A professor emeritus of philosophy at a Norwegian university describes me on someone else’s Facebook wall as a Trump admirer and hater of the Labour Party (Ap). He writes: “Has it really come to this, Dagfinn Koch? Don’t you understand where this is leading? […] This is not a game [I am referring to the ABB card], this is deadly serious, and you are Hegseth’s man at election time. I certainly never imagined that, and it makes me uneasy.”

It is a condescending and exclusionary attitude disguised as concern. Norwegian mildness is nothing more than a passive-aggressive way of controlling what may be criticised and how it is to be expressed. In the Soviet Union, they went from sending dissidents to the GULAG camps to using psychiatry.

It is a good example of Herbert Marcuse’s idea of repressive tolerance. It is acceptable to be intolerant towards the class enemy. That applies both to discussions and demonstrations. The Palestine activists turn up at pro-Israel events with megaphones, drums and air horns. It is not about the Arabs in Gaza, Judea and Samaria, but about the permanent revolution.

Beginning with the French Revolution of 1789, socialists and their equally evil relatives have sought to create a wonderful new world through “social engineering”. They have failed to understand human anthropology and that freedom depends upon the ability to choose wrongly. Forgiveness and grace have been replaced by confession and total submission. Evil does not exist as a category in dialectical materialism: there is only class struggle.

Social democracy became the only solution once the revolutions failed in Western Europe. Compare the “Long March through the Institutions”. It was not possible, for example, to abolish the Church of Norway, but it was possible to hollow it out from within. In the corporatist state, faith is something draped over the Social Democratic materialist “reality”.

The far right is a construct that emerged after the Second World War so that the socialists could distance themselves from their equally evil cousin, National Socialism. After the political centre shifted to the left, I, without having changed my fundamental outlook as a national and social conservative, have become a far-right fascist.

Our Norwegian corporatist state has much in common with Italian Fascism. A symbolic king, an almost omnipotent prime minister, an inflated public sector that cements power, NRK and state press subsidies, strong social control and network corruption, “Tax the Rich”, with a parliament in which disagreement is displayed primarily during an ultra-short election campaign.

We are what the GDR would have been with oil and gas. Yet conformity is so great that we do not even need a Stasi. That is why the elite are so preoccupied with branding conservatives as fascists: it is too close for comfort. Anyone with even a modest knowledge of history ought to know that the far right is the right wing of the left.

In connection with the commemoration of 7 October in Oslo last year, Mona Levin said to me: “Well then, Dagfinn, you and I meet again: the far right.”